Friday, 28 June 2024

PYONGYANG? LOOKS LIKE, BUT IT'S JAKARTA

 CONTROL THE PAST -THEN THE FUTURE. THUS SPOKE ORWELL            




It’s been argued that Indonesia’s next President may be good for Australian interests; for domestic progressives that’s doubtful.

It’s not just computer apps that get updated. Indonesian President Joko ’Jokowi’ Widodo is fiddling with the future by rewriting history and binning the past.  It’s a task made easier by voter ignorance.

The remake started when Jokowi made Prabowo Subianto - his main rival in the 2014 and 2019 elections - Minister of Defence.  That gave the loser a public platform as part of the government.

Some saw this as a political masterstroke based on the writings of Chinese General Sun Tzu  (probably 544–496 BC) of keeping friends close but enemies closer.

The move pruned Prabowo as the only real thorn, for by then Jokowi had recruited small parties into his coalition.

Prabowo’s promotion also gave the notoriously inflammable wannabe poli something to do.  He could now openly talk guns and bombs with men in uniform as he did before he was cashiered.

That was amid the 1998 revolution which saw the authoritarian Soeharto - also a former general - quit the presidency after 32 years of despotic rule.

The revival of democracy wasn't a good year for Prabowo. He was stripped of his ribbons for alleged insubordination after Soeharto's replacement Vice President Bacharuddin Jusuf (BJ) Habibie took control.

Prabowo then fled to exile in Jordan following his divorce from Soeharto's daughter Siti. He returned in 2008 after his former father-in-law died and tried to get into politics failing at every attempt to join an established party.

So he started his own and called it Gerindra (Great Indonesia Movement). It now has 86 seats in the House of Representatives where it’s the third largest party and its leader president-elect.

 It’s labelled right-wing by the Western media but that’s too facile. It’s certainly bombastically nationalistic and carries a whiff of  fascism.

In this year's February election, Prabowo won convincingly against two opponents with 55 per cent of the popular vote.  (The Constitution prevented Jokowi from standing again for a third term.)

Now Prabowo’s backers are erasing mentions of his alleged human rights abuses that saw him refused entry to the US and Australia earlier this century.

The bans have been quietly lifted. Other subtle changes are underway, particularly descriptors of  Prabowo as ‘general, retired’, even used by the supposedly neutral academic journal The Conversation.

Wikipedia now calls him a 'retired honorary army general.' In the partisan Indonesian media this title has become commonplace with no mention of past villainies, like the seizure of 13 student protesters by his commandos and never seen again.

Since 2007 their parents have protested silently every Thursday before the State Palace in Jakarta demanding to know what happened to their sons.  Jokowi once promised an inquiry.  That hasn’t happened.

Prabowo responds that he’s never been charged, which is true, and that it’s time to focus on the future. That’s the standard line for all who want no probe into their past.

Now Jokowi has gone further, reinstating his successor as a four-star honorary general. When kicked out of the army in 1998 he had three stars.

NGOs have taken legal action to rescind the award but neither Prabowo nor Jokowi fronted the court.

Next came the police with their highest honour, Bintang Bhayangkara Utama (star of meritorious service ) “awarded to individuals who have made extraordinary contributions to advancing the Indonesian National Police, going beyond their duties.”  

Curious praise: A 2022 survey showed the police ranked as the least trusted of all law enforcement bodies. Last century the army ran the police.  Separation has been incomplete; soldiers can often be seen with cops acting as security at sporting events.  

How can all this happen in a society with easy Internet access to Prabowo's bio?   It's a question also being asked in the US of Trump, where Republican diehards ignore his lies and failings to win power.

It's not that bad yet in Indonesia.  One theory about support for Prabowo blames 32 years of bibliophobia when Soeharto ruled;  rote learning at schools and widespread censorship led electors away from critical thinking and into blandly accepting party propaganda.  

As Orwell wrote: “Who controls the past controls the future.”

Completing 12 years of education for 50 million students is supposed to be mandatory,  six at primary and three years each at middle and high school.

Public schooling is allegedly free for the first two stages but uniforms and subtle add-ons make education expensive. Many kids drop out in the mid-teens to work or help their parents.

A 2018 report by the Lowy Institute claimed the system had been a "high-volume, low-quality enterprise that has fallen well short of the country's ambitions for an internationally competitive system".

It blamed not enough money and poor management but "most fundamentally a matter of politics and power."

There’s little evidence the situation has improved, though the public may be ahead of their leaders. A Kompas newspaper survey claimed more than 88 per cent of respondents agreed that "political education was crucial to be pursued as a section strengthening democracy.”

By the time Prabowo,73, is inaugurated on 20 October the world's third-largest democracy will welcome its eighth president.  By then the embarrassing version will have been erased.

##

  First published in Pearls & Irritations, 29 June 2024: https://johnmenadue.com/control-the-past-then-the-future-thus-spoke-orwell/

Thursday, 27 June 2024

FROM OTHER SOURCES

 

News , NATIONAL  

“Quality Media Will Not Ask Journalists to Rush for News and Ads at the Same Time”

INTERVIEW ANDREAS HARSONO

Andreas Harsono.(Personal document of Andreas Harosono: Design by Gafur/Indoklik)

Journalism is facing a major change thanks to the internet. This creature has given birth to various platforms, which take over the advertising cake of press companies. But independence still needs a firewall. Advertising must be distinguished from journalistic work.

Andreas Harsono is an Indonesian journalist, born in Jember, who lives in Jakarta. In 1994, he co-founded the Alliance of Independent Journalists, when the New Order regime prohibited the establishment of journalist organizations other than “single forums.”

He then worked for several regional newspapers including The Nation (Bangkok) and The Star (Kuala Lumpur), co-founded the Institute for the Study of Information Flow in Jakarta and was an early member of the International Consortium of Investigative Journalists in Washington DC, as well as a judge for the Fetisov Journalism Awards (Geneva), which provides awards globally.

He wrote two books including Literary Journalism and My “Religion” Is Journalism. His intellectual journey prompted him to write Race, Islam and Power: Ethnic and Religious Violence in Post-Soeharto Indonesia.

Since 2008, he has worked for Human Rights Watch, a human rights organization in New York, writing about violations of freedom of religion and belief in Indonesia, as well as discrimination against indigenous Papuans.

He is also known for reporting on so-called "virginity tests" in 2014-2015 for women applying to become police or soldiers, until this practice was stopped because it was unscientific and discriminatory.

Gafur Abdullah met Andreas Harsono at his home, to talk about journalism. (Saturday, June 25, 2024)

########

How did you start your career as a journalist?

In 1984, I studied at Satya Wacana Christian University, Salatiga. I joined the engineering faculty magazine, called Imbas . It is published once a year. This magazine was banned in 1987 when I was editor-in-chief. Imbas published a short article about the letter from Arief Budiman, a lecturer and scholar, to the Chancellor of Satya Wacana.

Arief Budiman questioned campus idealism. There are more and more projects on campus. The rules are not clear. Some campus officials were angry. I was beaten, beaten and Imbas was banned . I reported it to the police, the incident was covered by the mass media, inviting student press solidarity from Yogyakarta, Solo, Semarang, Bandung, Jakarta. Salatiga is so busy. A perpetrator of the beating was tried and convicted.

When did you first work for mainstream media?

In 1991, I finished college. After one year, I started as a freelance journalist in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. The United Nations holds elections and forms the Cambodian government. Indonesia is a sponsor of the Cambodia peace negotiations.

I wrote about the "Indonesia battalion" for several media including the daily Suara Merdeka in Semarang and Matra magazine in Jakarta. Returning from Phnom Penh, I translated a book about East Timor, then applied for a job at The Jakarta Post . I only worked for one year and was laid off in October 1994.

Why were you fired? 

Management said I was a partisan journalist. The Jakarta Post does not want to have partisan journalists. Many people believe that I was dismissed because I co-founded the Alliance of Independent Journalists in August 1994.

At that time, there were two journalists from The Jakarta Post, who also helped found AJI. One was transferred to the library. Another was transferred to the layout section. They were already permanent employees. I was a contract employee, laid off.

The Jakarta Post seems to be afraid of both the Information Department and the Indonesian Journalists Association. Information Minister Harmoko is a shareholder of The Jakarta Post .

At that time, the daily Kompas had two journalists, who also co-founded AJI. They were dismissed with severance pay. Forum magazine also had journalists dismissed, including Santoso, at that time, secretary general of AJI.

The Association of Indonesian Journalists, in short, pressured media that had journalists to sign the Sirnagalih Declaration regarding the founding of AJI in August 1994. There was a regulation from the Minister of Information, Harmoko, that there was only one journalist organization: PWI.

During the New Order, all professions were only allowed to have a “single container,” from laborers to teachers, from journalists to doctors. So, the establishment of AJI was considered an illegal act. Several AJI members were even arrested, tried and imprisoned.

How important is it to join journalist organizations and certification, especially for young journalists?

Now there are dozens of journalist organizations, from print media to online, especially local ones. I prefer journalists to join organizations. They will have many networks and knowledge. It is also a place to raise solidarity if a journalist becomes a victim of criminalization.

Journalist certification was a decision made by various journalist organizations – including PWI and AJI – in Palembang in 2010. You certainly know that AJI became an officially registered organization after the resignation of President Soeharto in 1998. In Palembang, the Press Council was designated as the only organization that officially carries out journalist certification. .

In essence, these organizations are worried about the rise of fake journalists and fake media. Many journalists come to government offices, sub-districts, schools or other places, threaten and ask for money. Many government officials complain about asking for envelopes. So a certification was made. But the Press Council cannot create many journalist certification programs. Big budget, right?

According to the chairman of the Press Council, Yosep Adi Prasetyo, in 2018 there were 43,000 media organizations, from television, print, radio, and online. Most of them are new and online media. Imagine 43,000! Indonesia is one of the countries with the highest media density in the world.

I estimate the certification program should train perhaps up to 200,000 journalists. On average, one media person is trained by up to five people. This certification helps journalists understand journalistic ethics, criminal and civil law – especially rubber articles in the field of defamation – as well as various elements of journalism. The small budget means this training runs slowly.

Today, many media do not pay journalists. Journalists are told to cover while looking for advertisements. How do you see this practice?

If you read Bill Kovach and Tom Rosenstiel's book on the elements of journalism, it is explained that journalism requires journalists to be independent of their sources. Journalists are even required to be able to cover their own media, especially when their own media boss is suspected of doing something wrong.

This independence requires a firewall. It is a firewall that separates business from the editorial office. Advertising must be distinguished from journalistic work. Advertising and sponsorship are handled by the advertising people. Journalism is handled by the editorial office. Quality media will not ask journalists to rush for news and at the same time rush for advertising.

In fact, in various Indonesian cities, this practice often occurs. In Jakarta, I know that Kompas and Tempo strictly regulate their journalists not dealing with advertising.

I have lived in Cambridge and New York. I also studied journalism at Harvard University. There, the practice of fire fencing is strictly enforced. The New Yorker magazine , for example, separates the elevator for the editorial crew and the business room. Business people and editors are not expected to meet even in elevators.

At the board of directors level, of course, there is communication between the president director and the business director and operations director (editor in chief). But at the operational level, there is no mechanism for meetings between journalists and businesses.

Lately there has been a term “freelance journalist.” What do you think?

 I used to be a freelance journalist. After I was laid off from The Jakarta Post , I freelanced for The West Australian (Perth), The Nation (Bangkok) and The Star (Kuala Lumpur). It's common in journalism. Being a freelance journalist requires discipline and consistency. You need to have a network and monthly targets.

In the United States, many prominent journalists started out as freelancers. In Indonesia, many media outlets are now opening up opportunities for contributors. The pay is pretty good.

What about media that are not incorporated?

I co-wrote the press law draft in 1998-1999. The idea is that journalistic media is intended to be a separate legal entity. The form can be a limited liability company, cooperative, or foundation.

The idea is that many organizations, from economics to religion, from education to the military, have magazines or websites as their medium for providing information to the public. This medium is not a journalistic activity. He was guided by the leaders of each organization. It is certainly not a journalistic medium.

This idea is stated in the 1999 Press Law. If a journalistic media is sued, the resolution can be done through mediation by the Press Council.

In essence, journalistic media is different from public relations media. But having a legal entity is complicated, right? You have to take care of taxes, for example. If the media is not financially stable, it will be difficult, right?

How important is Press Council verification for a media outlet?

It is especially useful when there is a journalistic dispute. The Press Council can mediate. Media that provide coverage in Indonesia also do not have to be legal entities in Indonesia. Mongabay, for example, is a legal entity in California, United States. But Mongabay provides Mongabay Indonesia to cover Indonesia. That's fine.

I was involved in drafting the 1999 Press Law. I think the mediation procedures for mainstream media have been completed and are neat. What is not yet finished is for the student press.

It means?

When talking about student press, on the one hand, it functions as an independent media. On the other hand, it is under a non-media legal entity (university). In general terms, media that are under the auspices of another legal entity tend to be the public relations of their parent organization.

Student press, right ? Even though it is under the auspices of the campus, the student press is not the mouthpiece of the campus. The long history of the student press in Indonesia proves that they can be critical of campus management. If there is a journalistic dispute, the student press should be under the auspices of the Press Council, not the police.

Fortunately, this year, the Press Council and the Ministry of Research, Technology and Higher Education made an agreement that if there is a dispute with the student press, it should be submitted to the Press Council to find out the truth – not reported to the police or prosecutors.

Is the student press wrong? Or are they right? The Press Council can investigate and issue a decision. So the student press has practically received mediation procedures starting this year. It's been a very long road, from 1999 to 2024, it's been 25 years. Better late than never .

How do you see the rise of non-profit media?

That's a great breakthrough. Non-profit media doesn't mean they don't have capital. They have capital, some even have a lot of money. Mongabay Indonesia is non-profit, right? Also Project Multatuli, Konde, The Conversation Indonesia, Bollo.id. In America, there's ProPublica, Marshall Project.

They live on public funds, donations from individuals and foundations. They each developed criteria for which donations they could accept.

Human Rights Watch, where I work, does not want to accept funding from any government, extractive industry (mining, plantations and giant livestock), as well as aristocratic plus oligarchic families.

How do you see the disruption of the internet to journalism today?

Now journalism is facing huge changes thanks to the internet. This creature gave birth to various platforms, such as Google, Facebook, Whatsapp, Tiktok. They take the press company's advertising cake. Legacy media revenues are shrinking as advertising flows to technology companies.

The budget for the newsroom is shrinking. This is a problem for press companies. It happens everywhere. Europe, America, Africa, Australia, Asia and the Middle East. Everyone is facing this problem.

This condition, like it or not, forces press companies to be more agile. Ways that can be done, according to research from the Reuters Foundation, include asking the public for donations. In Indonesia, this method is starting to be developed.

Project Multatuli for example, they created the Kawan M program so that the public would donate. Tempo and Kompas created subscription news programs. Readers were asked to subscribe. Media like this must have high value: create quality coverage. It will encourage readers to pay.

The New York Times now makes more money from subscribers than advertising. By the end of 2023, this legacy media will have 10.36 million subscribers, of which 9.7 million are digital subscribers only – without paper daily newspapers. This is the method that the media in Indonesia should emulate. Instead of asking journalists to hunt for information and at the same time forcing them to ask for advertisements from agencies or sources.

Unfortunately, in Indonesia, there is an impression in society that information via the internet is free.

Accident? Free information?

Yes, Indonesia experienced a media accident. Traditionally , information from the press media is considered free. It started with the emergence of detik.com and several online media. This makes it difficult for legacy media such as Tempo, Kompas and others to ask readers to pay.

In fact, journalists and editors make a lot of sweat, hunger, sleepiness or other sacrifices to be able to get accurate information and present news to the public.

But Tempo, Kompas and others also made mistakes. They made different outlets that were free. Tempo with a free website but paid magazines, including magazine websites. Kompas made Kompas.com free but paid daily website.

Coverage standards also differ between print and online. Print standards remain strict but online are made quicker and looser. It clouds people's perception of their quality. If online it gets worse, it affects the name of the print side.

Pay attention to The New York Times. They still use a single standard. News also doesn't have to be published quickly without a verification process. In Jakarta, these different standards will slowly be changed, creating a “ single standard ” for all their output. This is the right step so that legacy media can also collect payments from readers.

Gafur Abdullah: Journalist and freelance writer whose route to studying journalism started with LPM Activity 2014 at IAIN Madura. Recipient of the 2022 Pantau Foundation Literary Journalism Course Scholarship. His journalistic work has received awards from Kompas, AJI, UNICEF, ECONUSA and received a number of Journalism Fellowships. Now serving through Indoklik.id as Editor-in-Chief.

FROM OTHER SOURCES

 



From:  Indonesia at Melbourne:

https://indonesiaatmelbourne.unimelb.edu.au/indonesias-tni-law-revision-the-continued-rise-of-military-politics/?utm_source=AIC+Newsletters&utm_campaign=e4895789a1-AIC+Media+Update+28%2F06%2F2024&utm_medium=email&utm_term=0_0f87a17c64-e4895789a1-%5BLIST_EMAIL_ID%5D&ct=t%28AIC+Media+Update+28%2F06%2F2024%29&mc_cid=e4895789a1&mc_eid=5cfc4d4204 

Indonesia’s TNI law revision: the continued rise of military politics

Soldiers at an Indonesian special forces training facility in Bandung, West Java. Photo by Dispenau for Antara.


As President Joko Widodo’s administration comes to an end, the government is once again considering revising the Indonesian National Military (TNI) Law. The same discussions appeared at the end of President Joko Widodo’s first term and have become a regular news headline.

However, this time the government looks set to press ahead with controversial revisions. The current draft suggests the government plans to make changes to two articles in the TNI Law. The first builds on changes to the Civil Service Law made last year that allows civilian posts to be occupied by active military personnel.  The second increases the military retirement age.

These developments have led to fresh questions about the government’s commitment to pursuing its security sector reform agenda. The dual civil-military function of TNI was a hallmark of Soeharto’s authoritarian rule throughout the New Order period. For this reason, the development of military politics in Indonesia – through the deliberate involvement of the military in the allocation and exercise of power – is considered by many to be a threat to democracy and civil society.

The current draft revision

In the latest draft, the government expands the number of civilian posts that can be occupied by active military personnel. The draft article remains vague – it does not specifically define what positions can be filled by active TNI personnel and is made worse by the excessive authority given to the President to make these decisions. Article 47 of the draft gives the president the discretion to appoint active military personnel to a number of civilian positions.

In addition, the government plans to extend the retirement age of TNI personnel from 58 to 60 for officers and 53 to 58 for enlisted personnel. The revisions may also pave the way for some TNI personnel to serve until the age of 65, and the TNI commander and chief of staff to have their service period extended for two terms.

Two justifications for the revision of the retirement age of TNI personnel have been presented to the public. The first is the need for the TNI retirement age to match the retirement age of national police personnel. The second claims the current retirement age is too low and an inefficient use of skilled personnel.

Both are weak justifications given the current surplus of middle and high-ranking officers within TNI. This suggests the main problem is actually TNI management itself. Poor management and workforce planning have meant a large number of TNI personnel currently have ‘non-jobs’, that is, do not have a functional role. Increasing the retirement age will only exacerbate these pressures over the long run.

The TNI personnel surplus is a longstanding structural problem. The government has tried to accommodate excess personnel in a number of ways, including establishing the Defence University, creating new roles and growing the TNI’s organisational structure by adding new military regional commands – one for each province in Indonesia.

Rolling out the red carpet for TNI

So why is the Indonesian government so hell-bent on expanding the scale and authority of the TNI?

The revision stems, at least in part, from the military’s outsized influence and popularity in Indonesia.

In the Indonesian context, military personnel are seen as versatile problem solvers. For people who grew up under Soeharto’s New Order, TNI’s involvement in socio-political life was presented as a necessity and a natural fact of life. At first, TNI had a limited role in non-military activities, however, due to the pressures of internal crises throughout the New Order, TNI gradually expanded its role and became more influential in national politics.

This fatalistic acceptance of the military’s involvement in domestic affairs continues unconsciously today.

Despite its very chequered past, especially in regards to human rights, TNI has maintained consistently high levels of public trust since the beginning of President Joko Widodo’s administration. These high levels stem from perceptions of the military as a prestigious and disciplined institution.

This contrasts strongly against the public’s disappointment in other civilian institutions and political figures.

Dual function is a threat to democracy

But while many Indonesians may be happy to see the military take on a bigger role, proponents of democracy do not agree. They are adamant the creeping role of the military in civilian life urgently needs to be limited.

Military participation in civilian affairs can have serious consequences for how institutions are managed and perform. Studies from the US have shown the appointment of retired military personnel to civilian posts can weaken civilian control over the military.  Civilian appointments in the US have coincided with a decline in the transparency of military activities in recent years.

This is why many democracies have strict rules about placing military personnel into civilian positions. An example from the US is the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy (USDP), the principal advisor to the Secretary (minister) and Deputy Secretary of Defense. This position can only be filled by a civilian.  Military personnel must be retired from active duty for a minimum of seven years before they become eligible for any of these positions.

Indonesia needs to address the root cause of TNI’s workforce planning challenges

The Indonesian government must authorise an in-depth independent review before making potentially harmful revisions to the TNI law. This should involve a review of internal processes and data and wide-spread consultation to ascertain the root causes of TNI’s workforce planning challenges.

Dual function and retirement age reforms are not the answer. If the government is committed to pursuing a security sector reform agenda, its efforts would be better directed to addressing more pressing issues, like how to stem the rising influence of the military in Indonesian politics.

In the end, what Indonesia ultimately needs is demilitarisation, and a government that is focused on improving the professionalism of TNI and its personnel.

© Copyright - Indonesia at Melbourne

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